THIE MlSSZOISr TO 


REMARKS 


HONS. JOHN A. BINGHAM, H. L. DAWES, 
G. S. ORTH, AND GEORGE E. HOAR. 


m THE HOU«E OP KEPKESBNTATITES MAT 19, 1870. 




WASHINGTON : 

Cunningham a McIxTO-m, Printbk.s. 












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Remarks of ]VIr. Bin^kam of Okio. 




Mr. BINGHAM. I regret very much, Mr. 
Chairman,that the gentleman from New York 
[Mr. Brooks] has seen fit to reply to objections 
made to the proposed amendment to this hill 
by imputing to this side of the House any 
desire to persecute Rome on account of the 
peculiar religious notions entertained by the 
See of the Papal States. It was unworthy of 
the gentleman. Instead of making such an 
appeal as that to passion and prejudice, instead 
of making any such bid as that for the votes 
of any. religious seet in America, he would 
have done well to have told this House and 
the country what occasion there is for any 
other representative of this country at Rome 
than that which is already provided by this 
bill. This bill makes an appropriation for a 
consul at Rome, and that answers at once the 
suggestion of the gentleman that there is in 
this bill any intendment to strike at that 
people on account of their peculiar religious 
faith. 

Rome, Mr. Chairman, needs no particular : 
eulogy at the hands of gentlemen who suppose j 
that that particular religious sect supports the 
Democratic organization of this country ; for, 
sir, recent events have shown to refiectiug men j 
that that power itself is no longer a unit, and j 
cannot be. The syllabus recently uttered by 
the head of that organization is a declaration 
of principles which, I venture to say, the gen¬ 
tleman from New York himself dare not in- ! 
dorse and go home among his people. It is 
an attempt to fetter the freedom of conscience ; 
it is an attempt to fetter the freedom of speech ; 
it is an attempt to fetter the freedom of the 
press; it is an attempt to strike down the ris¬ 
ing antagonism to every despotism on the face 
of the earth, in the form of representative 
government, foremost among which is America, 
the child and the hope of the earth’s old age. 
Talk to me at this era of history about Rome 
being the “patron of science and the mother 
of arts!” Why, sir, of that genius that makes 
the marble wear the divine beauty of life, and 
lays all the elements of nature under contri¬ 
bution, there is more to-day in living Amer¬ 
ica than was ever dreamed of in Rome, 
living or dead. Why, then, talk at this 
day about dignifying that little principal¬ 
ity with a resident minister from America? 
Do not gentlemen know that in the light of 
the teachings of that foremost of all the men 
bred in the faith of the church ot Rome (and 
I admit she has bred many great and noble 
men, who knew how to make humanity itself 


beautiful even amid the terrors and tortures of 
martyrdom,) uttered a word when under the 
ban of Charles V, and LeoX, and Henry VIII, 
which reverberates to-day all over Christen¬ 
dom ; I refer, sir, to the Augustine monk who 
found out for himself and proclaimed to man¬ 
kind the great central truth which to-day 
possesses the enlightened mind of the nineteenth 
century, that no mitered head may, of the grace 
of God or of divine right, interpose its dark 
shadow btween man and his Maker. By 
that word Martin Luther became the liberator 
of the human race; it made the immortal 
period of human history, the reformation, the 
insurrection of the human mind, against the 
despotism which for centuries had enslaved it. 
Under the omnipotence of that utterance every 
tyrant, whether in Rome or out of it, holds 
to-day the reins of power with a tremulous 
and unsteady hand; and the day is not far 
distant when every throne of despotism shall 
turn to dust and ashes before the consuming 
breath of the enlightened opinion of the civil¬ 
ized world, which declares for free govern¬ 
ments, free churches, free schools, free Bibles, 
and free men. 

In reply to remarks of Mr. Voorhees, in 
the further discussion of the proposition, Mr. 
BINGHAM spoke as follows : 

Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Chairman, I think 
that the learned gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. 
V ooRiiEES,] with all his gifts of intellect, 
might have furnished some kind of reasons tor 
changing this proposed appropriation from a 
consulate at Rome to a resident minister other 
than assuming that power which belongs alone 
to the Deity to sit in judgment upon my 
motives of conduct, public and private, in vio¬ 
lation of the rules of this House and the rules 
which ought to obtain among gentlemen. I 
would like to know by what assumed author¬ 
ity or by what conferred authority, whether he 
derives it from Rome or elsewhere, the gentle¬ 
man undertakes to say that I never telt for the 
Catholic any of that charity, which is the divin- 
est* of all the graces ? Does the gentleman 
propose to-day to constitute himself a father 
confessor ? Does he propose to-day to assume 
to himself the functions of Peter, and to clutch 
in his hands the keys which are to open or to 
shut for me the gates of deliverance? There 
was nothing that was uttered by me on this 
occasion, nothing that has ever been uttered 
by me on any occasion, no vote ever given by 
me that justified any such imputation. _ With¬ 
out making the slightest boast about it, I beg 






V 


4 


louve to say that it was my good fortune, as it 
was doubtless the good fortune of the gentleman 
himself, to he reared in the belief that men 
should help one another. 1 am not aware that 
the poor were ever turned away from my door 
em[)ty. I am not aware that 1 was behind 
the gentleman, or any one else not influenced 
by any mere personal considerations, when a 
cal amity swept over a large area of our common 
'country, equal in extent to the iState which I 
have the honor in part to represent here, in 
my elforts to send succor and relief to the suffer¬ 
ers, without inquiring whether they were of my 
religious belief or not, whether they were* of 
my political faith or not. 

I took occasion to say, when I spoke upon 
this (piestion before, that 1 repelled for myself, 
and for those that I represent, the assertion 
made by the gentleman from New York [Mr. 
JIkooks] that this resistance to changing the 
representative of the United States at Rome 
from a consul to a resident minister was on 
the ground of any hostility to the utmost free¬ 
dom of religion in Rome or elsewhere. I say 
now to the gentleman, and I say it to every 
gentleman who does me the honor to listen to 
my ])oor words, that it is with me a conviction 
as strong as knowledge, that religious belief, 
of whatever character, ought to be tolerated, 
that error itself “ may be tolerated,” in the 
words of the foremost Democrat of America, 
“ where reason is left free to combat it.” 

1 did say something here, however, which 
the gentleman has not seen fit to reply to, and 
1 challenge him here and now to reply to it,that 
the syllabus but recently issued with the sanc¬ 
tion and under the direction of the ruler, tem¬ 
poral and spiritual, of the See of Rome strikes 
at freedom of conscience, strikes at religious 
freedom, strikes at the freedom of represent¬ 
ative government, strikes at the right of the 
people to establish and maintain for them¬ 
selves a government—in short, strikes at all 
the advanced and accepted ideas of the nine¬ 
teenth century. I said then, and I repeat it 
now, that I did not believe any gentleman on 
the other side of the House would dare this 
day to republish that syllabus and declare that 
he accepted it as his creed, either moral or 
political. I assigned it as a reason, among 
others, why, in view of this fact, that this syl¬ 
labus divides that ancient church itself, array¬ 
ing against it some of the first intellects ac¬ 
knowledging its authority, and to day repre- 
sioiting this country in that great council at 
Rome, we should not consider it important to 
dignify Rome at present with any higher rep¬ 


resentative than a consul. And the gentleman 
makes that an occasion for assailing me as 
having no charity! 

Let some one of that order of people who 
acknowledge the obligations of this syllabus, 
and who accept the dogma that now shakes 
that organization from its centre to its found¬ 
ation, the infallibility of the visible head of 
the church, say as much for the freemen of 
America as I have said, that they have aright 
to think for themselves and speak for them¬ 
selves in matters civil as well as religious. I 
will not do the gentleman the injustice to sup¬ 
pose that he himself accepts any such creed 
for himself. 1 beg him to understand that I 
will allow no man to impose any such creed 
on me, and I trust that by the grace of God I 
will have the manhood here and everywhere 
to stand for those free principles of intellect 
and of conscience out of which has sprung this 
last, greatest, noblest empire among men. In 
making the remarks I did I said what was 
allowable to be said, I think, taking care to 
discriminate betwen the bigoted, fanatical re¬ 
ligious zealots of that church and the great and 
gifted men who have adorned by their lives, 
and adorned as well by their deaths, humanity 
itself. 

That is what I said ; and yet the gentleman 
.says that I have no charity. Why, sir, count¬ 
ing myself the humblest being within these 
walls, I have charity enough to know, what 
has come to be understood by the intelligent 
head and living heart of men the world over, 
that beneath the heavens there is nothing so 
divine as humanity, whether it be clothed 
in the faith of the Catholic, or in the faith of 
the Protestant. I beg leave further to say to 
the gentleman, that I have read the story and 
been taught it at my mother’s knee, as he, 
doubtless, has been, of that Divine Being who 
has given to the world what is ere-long to be 
the acknowledged moral constitution of men 
and nations. I appreciate all His lessons of hu¬ 
manity ; I appreciate all His lessons of charity, 
according to the measure of that reason with 
which it has pleased the Good Fath(!r to endow 
me ; and I bow as humbly before all the teach¬ 
ings of Him who shed majesty over the manger 
and the straw as does the gentleman from In¬ 
diana. His remarks, therefore, touching my 
feelings toward any portion of the human 
race were simply gratuitous, made, no doubt, 
in the heat and excitement of the moment, in 
the interests of party, and not in that broad, 
catholic spirit which usually characterizes the 
utterances of that gentleman. 


Remarks of Mr. Dawes, of ]Nf assaclinsetts. 

Mr. Dawes spoke as follows: j by this paragraph $141,000. I do not desire 

Mr. DAWES. I move to amend the amend- j to continue this debate, because I think enough 
rnent by making the total amount appropriated j has already been said to demonstrate the mo- 









5 


tive which prompted the original amendment, 
and the purpose of it as well as the occasion 
for it. 

The gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Yoor- 
HEEs] will have no personal discussion with 
me ; I have no personal defense to make to 
anything he may have said. In reply to what 
he has said about my want of charity toward 
the gentleman from New York, [Mr Brooks,] 
I will barely say that I have, as he has said, 
heard the gentleman from New York declare, 
on three several occasions, that he never was 
inside of a Know-Nothing lodge. I take that 
to be so ; I have always taken it to be so. But 
• it never altered the facts, nor does it -now re¬ 
quire a particle of modification of anything I 
have said. The gentleman from Indiana knows 
as well as does the gentleman from New York 
that the gentleman from New Y^ork has been 
an advocate of that political doctrine. 

Mr. BROOKS, of New Y"ork, That is not so. 

Mr. DAWES. His paper was the organ of 
the party, and while it was in power he en¬ 
deavored to obtain all the benefits he could 
from it, and keep his head at the same time 
out of the halter. And therefore it is that 
whenever the gentleman has the opportunity 
he makes haste to do works mete for repent¬ 
ance. 

In regard to the remarks of the gentleman 
from Indiana [Mr. Yooriiees] about the State 
of Massachusetts, the burning of convents and 
the burning of witches, he may indulge in 
them as much as he pleases ; he will not pro¬ 
voke me to make any reply in words. That 
is an old story, all worn out long ago. I pro¬ 
pose rather to discu.ss the necessity of a min¬ 
ister at Rome. I propose to pass by all that 
gentlemen upon the other side feed upon, the 
opportunity to make a little political capital 
with a particular religious sect. I intend to 
put out of mind all that kind of talk. But I 
ask the gentleman to bear in mind, although 
I do not suppose they care anything about it, 
that Rome has shut us out of religious worship 
according to our own tenets within the walls 
of that city, and compelled tlie American resi¬ 
dents there to go outside of her walls to wor¬ 
ship God according to the dictates of their own 
consciences, or do it in the minister’s house, 
protected ])y our flag. I suppose that is noth¬ 
ing to the gentlemen on the other side; they 
do not care anything about that. Any indig- 

Remarks of nVTr. 

Mr. Orth spoke as follows : 

Mr. ORTH. Mr. Chairman, the debate 
upon these amendments has taken rather a 
wide and extraordinary range ; but I think 
every impartial observer upon this floor will 
concur with me when I say that the religious 
aspect given to it came from the other side of 


nity which this Power may heap upon Ameri¬ 
can citizens because of their religious senti¬ 
ments does not wound the national pride of 
my friend from Indiana, [Mr. Yoorhees.] 
He rises above all such considerations. 

Mr. COX. Let me say a word just here. 
The statement of the gentleman from Massa¬ 
chusetts about— 

The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman 
from Massachusetts yield ? 

Mr. DAAYES. No, sir ; I do not. 

The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman declines 
to yield, and must not be interrup:jed. 

Mr. DAWES. I am reminded, also, of 
another matter, which, I suppose, instead of 
wounding the national pride of my friends on 
the other side, is perhaps a reason why they 
are so anxious to send a minister to Rome. The 
fact that this Power took sides with the enemies 
of our country in the late war, and recognized 
the Southern Confederacy, is a fact equally 
powerless, I presume, with every other national 
consideration, to deter our friends on the other 
side from rencAving diplomatic relations with 
this power. Such relations have been suspended 
for years under a Democratic Administration ; 
but now, when we have come into power, my 
friend from Indiana proclaims aloud, “ I pro¬ 
pose to brand it upon the Republican party 
that they refuse to do whatAvas not done in the 
last administration, rencAv diplomatic relations 
Avith this poAver, and refuses because of its 
peculiar religious tenets.” No advocate of 
this mission has placed the matter upon the 
the ground on which the continuance of our 
missions to other nations is based. 

In support of this proposition not a word has 
been uttered Avhich Avould support the contin¬ 
uance af any other mission. This Avhole move¬ 
ment is based upon the prime motive, which 
is too manifest, too transparent to deceive for 
a moment the American people. Gentlemen 
on the other side Avill have the benefit of this ; 
and I do not desire* to detract an atom from 
any adAuintage they may expect in that regard. 
I accord to them the entire benefit Avhich they 
seek. But for myself I prefer a consistent, 
straightforAvard course, Avithout regard to any¬ 
thing of that kind. When my duty prompts 
me to introduce a proposition to re-establish 
this mission I shall do so; Avhile my duty re¬ 
quires me to oppose its re-establishment I shall 
oppose it. 

Ortli, of Indiaiia. 

the House. Noav, sir, I am opposed to re¬ 
establishing this mission at Rome irrespective of 
any question of religion, because, first, in truth 
and in fact, Romo is no “ PoAver” in the sense 
as applied to nations; secondly, because Ave 
have no commerce and no political relations 
whatever with Rome, and hence there is no 












6 


necessity whatever of spending six or seven 
thousand dollars upon such proposed mission, j 
I may also add there are Governments in Eu- 1 
rope more important in point of population | 
and more important in point of commerce than j 
Kome to which we never have sent, and do not 
contemplate sending, diplomatic representa¬ 
tives. These were the reasons, and the only 
reasons, that were urged against the proposi¬ 
tion on this side of the House. 

The other side of the House, for purposes 
well known to themselves, for purposes that 
will he known and appreciated by the coun¬ 
try, have sought to give this question a politi¬ 
cal aspect with reference to a large and res¬ 
pectable religious sect in this country; and, 
sir, I am well satished that religious sect will : 
not thank them for thus needlessly dragging 
their church into this discussion. They will 
regard it, aud the country will regard it, as a 
weak and puny effort to gain partisan power 
and friendship among the members of that 
church. The reasons I have stated induced 
Congress five years ago to discontinue this 
mission, and I know of nothing which should 
cause a reversal of that action. Eome has 
never had any intercourse of this character 
with us as a nation ; never in all her past his¬ 
tory. We have a consul residing there, vested 
with sufficient authority to attend to the va¬ 
rious wants of the comparative few Americans 
who visit the “Ancient City” for purposes of! 
business or pleasure. 

.But, Mr. Chairman, I should not have 
taken part in this debate but for a remark 
that fell from the lips of my colleague, [Mr. 
VoORHEEs.] I would be derelict to the Re¬ 
publicans of my district and of the State at 
large if I did not seize the earliest opportu¬ 
nity to say that that remark was without 
foundation, and unworthy to be uttered upon 
the floor of this House. The language to which 
I refer, furnished to me by the reporters, is 
this : “ In my own State it is said, ‘ Let the 
Irish go, let the Dutch go, we have got the . 
negroes in their places.’ ” “ It is said !” Who i 
said it? Any Republican from Indiana in | 
Congress or out of Congress? If my col-! 
league is within the sound of my voice I will 
yield to him to inform this House as to what 
the authority is upon which he makes that 
charge 

Mr. VOORHEES. The gentleman knows 
the authority just as well as I do. 

Mr. ORTH. No, I do not; I yield to as¬ 
certain the authority. 

Mr. VOORHEES. It is the current col¬ 
umns of the newspapers of both parties in In¬ 
diana. 

Mr. ORTH. Mr. Chairman, I grant you 
that it is in the current columns of one class 
of partisan newspapers in my State, those rep¬ 
resenting the political party to which my col¬ 


league belongs; but I will yield to the gentle¬ 
man again if he will name a single Republican 
paper among the one hundred published in my 
State that has ever uttered or indorsed such a 
sentiment. 

Mr. VOORHEES. Undoubtedly they would 
deny it, just as old Know-Nothings deny their 
former principles upon this floor. 

3Ir. ORTH. I have given my colleage an 
opportunity to furnish to the House the au¬ 
thority for the charge that has been made here. 
Sir, it is base and groundless. Taken in con¬ 
nection with the preceding sentence, what 
does the gentleman mean by it when he says, 
“It is said?” He said, “ Gentlemen on the 
other sicTfe flatter themselves that they have 
the negro vote of this country to enable them 
to dispense with the votes of the foreigners;” 
and then he proceeds: “ In my own State it 
is said,” &c. Now, sir, that gentleman knows 
as well as I do that in the ranks of the Repub¬ 
lican party are found some of the most intelli¬ 
gent Germans and some of the most intelligent 
irishmen in the State. He knows that there 
are to be found, in my town and in his own, 
men of the highest character and respectabil¬ 
ity belonging to the German and Irish nation¬ 
alities who are hearty workers in the Repub¬ 
lican cause, and have been so, and most em¬ 
phatically so, since the first gun was tired at 
Sumter for the destruction of this Govern¬ 
ment. 

Mr. VOORHEES. Allow me to ask a ques¬ 
tion. 

Mr. ORTH. I cannot yield further out of 
my five minutes. I have given my colleague 
every opportunity to furnish his authority for 
the statement he has made here. 

Sir, this statement of the gentleman is in¬ 
tended to go homo to be retailed by the cross¬ 
roads and grocer}'- politicians of Indiana. They 
are to howl out that their Representative in 
Congress [Mr. Vooriiees] has said so and so, 
and of course it must be true. They will 
prove it to be so by .simply reading his speech 
as published in the Globe. They will declare 
that the Republicans of Indiana, false to them¬ 
selves, false to the noble men of Irish and Ger¬ 
man blood who have stood by them through¬ 
out the trying contest of the last ten years, 
now say, “ Go, you Dutchmen ; go, you Irish¬ 
men ; we have negroes enough now to do %vith- 
out you.” ]\[y colleague doubtless fancied 
that by this unjust attack he and his friends 
might induce a few voters to desert their pre¬ 
sent party affiliation ; but let me assure him 
that he is counting without his host. 

I have felt that it was due to the Republi¬ 
cans of Indiana of foreign birth that this much 
should be said by mo. I have given my col¬ 
league [Mr. Voorhees] an opportunity to 
state his authority for the assertion he has 
made here. He has referred me to the news- 














T 


7 


paper press, I grant you that the Democratic 
press may have made such statements; hut I 
repeat that no man belonging to the Republi¬ 
can party, in Congress or out of it, here or 
elsewhere, no newspaper of any kind advocat¬ 
ing the principles of the Republican party, has 
over made any such statement; and thus I dis¬ 


pose of the assertion made by my colleague, [Mr. 
VooRHEES,] who has taken upon himself thus 
to stigmatize the party that has had the con¬ 
trol of the government of his native State in 
their hands for the last ten years, and which 
has in all respects been faithful to the beat in¬ 
terests of our common constituency. 


Remarks of ]VIr. Roar, of TVIassaclinsetts 


Mr. Hoar spoke as follows: 

Mr. HOAR. Mr. Chairman, I am sorry to 
prolong this debate, but I should he false to 
the trust which my constituents have delegated 
to me if I suffered the aspersions which the 
distinguished gentleman from Indiana [Mr, 
VooRHEEs] has allowed himself to utter upon 
the fair fame of the State, which I have the 
honor in part to represent, to pass without some 
answer from me. The gentleman has charged 
that the State of Massachusetts, in her early 
history, burned witches at the stake, and that 
in the year 1854 and 1855 she burned convents 
of the Catholics and Sisters of Charity, within 
her borders. Sir, both of those charges are 
utterly false. N o human being was ever burned 
at the stake within the limits of the Common¬ 
wealth of Massachusetts. 

Mr. VOORHEES. That is not true. 

Mr. HOAR. It is true that two hundred 
years ago, when the whole civilized world be¬ 
lieved that witchcraft was a crime, following 
the law as they received it from the mother 
country, on the authority of certain passages 
in the Old Testament, the courts of Massachu¬ 
setts did condemn and execute by hanging 
some nineteen or twenty persons of both sexes 
for the alleged crime of witchcraft. But it is 
also true that first among men the people of 
Massachusetts saw the error and wickedness of 
what they had done in that regard. It was 
their love of justice and their intelligence 
which first exposed the error and wickedness 
of punishing human beings for that alleged 
crime. The ministers of the Gospel, the wit¬ 
nesses and the counsel formed almost a peni¬ 
tential procession, and asked pardon of God 
and of their neighbors for having done those 
things. 

The distinguished Chief Justice, Sewell, 
stood up in his place in the house of God, with ' 
bared head, and acknowledged that as an error | 
which his contemporary. Sir Matthew Hale, j 
failed to see the wickedness of while he pre- j 
sided over the courts of England. And in a 
diary kept by Chief Justice Sewell, opposite 
the record of those trials, are to be found these 
words of Latin interjection and sorrow “rce/ 
vee I VOS !—woe I woe! woe I” It is true that 
all mankind punished witchcraft, and Massa¬ 
chusetts for a time shared in the error and 
delusion; but it is also true that first of all 
mankind the people of Massachusetts saw the 
error and crime, and repented. Now, sir, who 


is he, with the words of Christian charity on hi» 
lips, who stands up here, two hundred years 
after these things occurred; and taunts his 
ancestors and mine— 

Mr. VOORHEES (interrupting). Not mine. 

Mr. HOAR, (continuing) With a crime 
which they so nobly repented of ? 

Mr. Chairman, it is not true that in the year 
1854 or 1855 anybody within the limits of Mas¬ 
sachusetts burned a Catholic convent or a 
Catholic institution of learning. In 1834, 
thirty-six years ago, a rumor spread one even¬ 
ing through the streets of Boston of some ter¬ 
rible cruelty said to have been practiced by 
the Catholics in the neighboring convent of 
Charlestown upon some young women who had 
been placed there. A mob was raised, and 
some wicked men, such as are always found in 
large cities, set fire to that convent. What did 
Massachusetts do ? She arrested, tried, sen¬ 
tenced and punished the criminals; and th(5 
crime is no more to be imputed to her than 
any crime that ever has been committed within 
the limits of any civilized community is to be 
imputed to the authorities which have pun¬ 
ished it. 

It is true also that in the year 1855 the peo¬ 
ple of Massachusetts shared the prevailing 
delusion that the admission of foreigners to 
equality of representation in this Government 
was dangerous to our institutions; and that 
Commonwealth placed in her constitution a 
clause requiring such persons to reside in the 
State two years after naturalization before 
they should be admitted to exercise the privi¬ 
leges of citizenship. No power on earth could 
have struck that clause from the constitution 
of Massachusetts if she had not seen fit to do 
it herself. Yet notwithstanding the fact that 
every man afiected by it, every voter who 
would be admitted by its abrogation would 
vote against the dominant party in the State, 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, thinking 
the matter over,determined that such a measure 
of exclusion was unwise and inconsistent with 
those doctrines of civil liberty to which through 
all her history she was pledged. She said, 
“ These men, although they differ from the 
great body of our citizens, ought to be politi¬ 
cally their equals." In this spirit Massachu¬ 
setts, of her own motion, voluntarily and 
because it was right, struck out this clause, 
which in her judgment invaded the great prin¬ 
ciples of constitutional liberty. 


a 













I wish simply to say in conclusion that in word the gentleman says is false, and ho knows 
the face of this history of Massachusetts it . it. [Renewed cries of “ Order! ”] 
does not become the political friends of the Mr. HOAR, (continuing.) For no other 
men who burned alive our soldiers at Fort reason than because they were defenseless, 
Pillow, of the men who burned the orphan because they were loyal, and because they 
asylum in New York, who hung negroes upon were black, to taunt her before the Represen- 
lamp-posts— • tatives of the American people with thu cruel- 

[Confusion, and cries of “ Order ! ”] ties of past age.s. 

Mr. YOORHEES. Order! order! Every ! 




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